So why did these White
Huns not conquer Persia in reality? The honest answer is we don't
know. Information on the Hephthalites is sketchy at best, and so most
of this post will be simple speculation. It seems the decision not to
conquer Persia early on when they first invaded was a wise one, as it
gave them time to establish themselves in India. Had they simply
conquered Persia in 485, they likely would have been subsumed by
Persia similar to how many of the foreign tribes which invaded and
ruled China became Chinese. Looking forward a few decades presents an
interesting point of divergence, but before I get that, I should
probably briefly lay out the history of this time period.
In 483 the Hephthalites
invaded Persia and went on a two year rampage. The Sassanid Emperor
at the time was Peroz I, who was killed on the battlefield in 484.
His army died with him. In the ensuing power vacuum, his brother
Balash seized the throne. Balash paid the White Huns enormous tribute
to leave. His four year rule was marred by a power struggled with the
sons of Peroz. Zareh's rebellion was quashed with the aid of Armenia,
but Kavadh I would prove much more difficult. Kavadh had married a
daughter of the Hephthalite King, led a Hephthalite army into Persia
with his father-in-law's blessing. With the army outside the gates of
the capital, Balash was blinded and deposed by a group of priests and
nobles who opened the gates for Emperor Kavadh.
Once established, Kavadh looked for a way to check the power of his magnates, those people who had overthrown his predecessor. He decided to support a religious group known as the Mazdaki sect, which advocated rich men divide their wives and wealth with the poor. The magnates saw through his game and imprisoned him in a tower in Susa. His brother, Djamasp, became emperor and ruled briefly from 496-8. But Kavadh was able to escape the tower and returned in 498 with 30,000 troops from the Hephthalite King. His brother abdicated and Kavadh began his second reign as Emperor of Persia. In that year he had to pay tribute to the Hephthalites, probably in part for their assistance in placing him on the throne. Kavadh could not pay and sought subsidies from Rome, which not so long ago had been subsidized by Persia. Emperor Anastasius refused, hoping the two eastern empires would turn on themselves.
In our timeline, Kavadh managed to
forestall the payment of tribute by persuading his father-in-law to
support a war against wealthy Rome. But what Anastasius was right and
the two eastern empires did turn on themselves? It seems reasonable
to think that Kavadh's familial relationship to the Hephthalite king
was important in keeping the White Huns from riding into Persia to
collect the tribute themselves. But what if Kavadh was not in power?
What if when his magnates overthrew him in 496, they chose to execute
him?
Executing the son-in-law of Persia's
most powerful neighbor, the king to which they paid regular tribute,
would not have been a smart idea. The political misstep might have
been taken by the Hephthalites as a pretext for invasion in 497. I
highly doubt Djamasp, who seemed to have been a puppet of court
interests, could have held off the Hephthalite army. By 500 might the
White Huns have been in a position to annex Persia? I don't see why
not. Now they do not have a puppet to place on the throne, so the
Hephthalite king might have seen it as convenient to conquer Persia,
organize it as a province in his empire, and perhaps give it to one
of his sons to rule.
Organizing such a large empire will be
a significant challenge for the Hephthalites. At this time the
capital of the Empire was Baktra (Balkh) in modern northern
Afghanistan. This is fairly centrally located, though the western end
of the Sassanid Empire, where the capital of Ctesiphon is located is
quite far away. A system of regional capitals might be adopted. In
our timeline, Sakala (Sialkot) in the Indus River Valley became the
capital of the Hephthalite Empire. In this timeline in might serve as
a regional administrative center for the Indian province. Old Damghan
of Parthian fame could serve a similar purpose for Persia.
I am skeptical that this empire would
have any sort of longevity. If the king were to give his sons each a
province, the empire could quickly disintegrate at his death. Or
perhaps after each bloody succession crisis the empire would be
reunited. It's really impossible to conclusively decide one way or
the other, though it should be noted that large land empires,
especially this early in history, never lasted for long. Then in
about a century or so, the now sedentary Hephthalites will have to
deal with the Göktürks marauding
down from the steppes. Perhaps that would signal the end of the
empire, with Persians and Indians rebelling to form their own states.
But
let us look beyond Central Asia. How does this change effect the rest
of the world? The absence of a Roman-Sassanid war in the early sixth
century means the Roman (Byzantine, if you prefer) Empire begins the
sixth century in a much stronger position. I see no reason to make
significant changes until Justinian's reconquest of the west. In this
timeline the great general Belisarius would not have had any eastern
wars to cut his teeth on, unless of course Anastasius, Justin, or
Justinian decided to attack the Hephthalites. But if there was a long
period of peace, it is possible Belisarius might not have been the
general he was in our timeline. Then again, how can we say that this
economically stronger Roman empire would have had a tougher time
retaking the west. On the contrary, with more money and no western
distractions, I think the Italy and North Africa could not just be
retaken but held onto. And perhaps Spain also, which Rome already
controlled the coast of, and which had a natural border against the
Germanic Kingdoms with the Pyrenees.
Removing
the Sassanids also has a significant effect on the balance of power
in Arabia and east Africa. The
Persians controlled both sides of the Persian gulf directly and had
effectively vassalized the tribes in Yemen and Oman. They used those
tribes in proxy wars against the Kingdom of Aksum, Rome's Ethiopian
allies who had controlled the lucrative Red Sea trade for the
preceding three decades. In our timeline, the sixth century saw the
Sassanids wrest that trade route from the Aksumites, who were also
suffering due to the effects of climate change, overfarming, and
state collapse brought about by a number of factors contingent on the
loss of control of the Red Sea. If Persia's influence is removed from
Arabia then Aksum has a chance to take a breather and, perhaps,
regain its footing on the Arabian peninsula. This has huge
butterflies, the most notable being the shifting circumstances which
may impact the Arabic religious movements which Muhammad was a
product of.
I
have hardly scratched the surface with this POD, but I think this is
enough for now. Let me know in the comments what you think of my
ideas when it comes to the effects of White Huns in Persia.
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